A charm offensive by Thailand's powerful military in rural opposition strongholds has raised fresh doubts about whether the generals will stay out of politics as an election looms.

Thailand has seen almost as many actual or attempted coups as elections, although experts say the bloody crisis that has gripped the nation since tanks rolled through Bangkok in 2006 may make the army wary of intervening again.

On a whistlestop helicopter tour around the kingdom's northeast this month, officers swooped into the heartland of anti-government "Red Shirts" to promote the development projects of the revered king.

"We are trying to create love and faith," Lieutenant General Darran Yutthawonsuk told AFP as he explained the work of his unit within the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC).

The Thai military sees itself as the guardian of the royal institution and frequently cites perceived threats to the beloved monarchy to justify its actions.

Darran denied the ISOC -- responsible for communist suppression in the 1970s and 80s -- had stepped up activities in the northeast ahead of the July 3 poll, but villagers said the visits only started in recent weeks.

"I don't know why they're here," said Noobang-on Sangngern, as troops swarmed around her home village of Pho Chai in Khon Kaen province during a ceremony for the king's birthday, six months after the monarch turned 83.

This impoverished chunk of Thailand remains a bastion of support for fugitive former leader Thaksin Shinawatra, ousted by the army in 2006 in a bloodless coup.

The controversial ex-premier lives in exile to avoid a jail term for corruption but still divides the Thai political landscape and seems determined to return one day.

Protests by his red-shirted loyalists against the traditional Thai elite paralysed central Bangkok last year and ended with a deadly army crackdown -- just one chapter in a bloody political crisis sparked by the 2006 coup.

Now his sister Yingluck Shinawatra, a political novice he describes as his "clone", is the main opposition hopeful for premier and her unexpectedly strong popularity appears to have rattled Thailand's army chief.

General Prayut Chan-O-Cha, a fervent royalist, made a surprise appearance on army-run TV channels a few weeks before the polls to call on voters to choose "good people" and "make our country and our monarchy safe".

"If you allow a repeat of the same election pattern, then we will always get the same result," he added.

Parties linked to Thaksin, deemed an authoritarian crook by his many critics, have won the most seats in the past four elections, so Prayut's comment was seen as a thinly-veiled attack on Yingluck.

The outburst was a "rather desperate move", said political analyst and author Chris Baker, who believes Yingluck's momentum has left the military unsure how to act, aware that toppling Thaksin had "kind of backfired on them".

One of the more benign scenarios is that if the opposition wins by a landslide, it might be able to strike a deal with the army to stay in power while allowing the military top brass to keep their jobs.

A close poll result could give the army room to intervene in the formation of a government, but a clear victory would make that "much more difficult," said Baker.

While King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the world's longest-serving monarch, is widely revered, many Thais are wary of the role of the royals' staunch army backers, who have accused Red Shirt leaders of disloyalty to the throne.

Since the 2006 coup, a sharp increase in the use of rules against insulting the monarchy, which can incur lengthy jail terms, has alarmed advocates of free speech. Many of those arrested are opposition supporters.

During another stop in one of hundreds of self-proclaimed "Red Shirt Villages" in the northeast, Darran presented a framed photograph of the king and queen for a house newly-renovated by soldiers.

He denied the army's activities were targeting opposition supporters in particular.

"In the politics of this country, people have rights and freedom to vote for people they love, the party they like," he said. "But we explain to them not to insult the monarchy, because it violates the law."

Bearing a large picture of a smiling Thaksin, a large red sign marked the entrance to the village of Nong Hu Ling, but none of the residents wore their signature colour for the army visit.

"The military tell us we can wear it, but I think it's to improve their image, so we don't wear it. It also shows them respect," said Kamsaen Chaithep, wife of the village chief, after their visitors departed.

"The military comes to help. They say it's not related to politics, but how can Red Shirts believe them if they choose only Red Shirt villages?"

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